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Cargill's Salt mine development
causes social exclusion and pollution
at northwest coast of Lake Maracaibo, Venezuela
Prof. Jorge Hinestroza / Faculty of Sciences / La Universidad
del Zulia 16dec01
Prof. Jorge Hinestroza is a lecturer and researcher at
the Unit of Anthropology
Faculty of Sciences
La Universidad del Zulia
Venezuela
<vitae2@telcel.net.ve>
The double social and environmental impact of the Produsal S.A.
a salt project of Cargill Inc. currently underway in Venezuela,
is threatening Zulia state's fishing communities, environment
and way of life.
More than two thousand unemployed and environmental problems which
are ruining the fishing industry in the northern zone of the Lake
Maracaibo are some of the results highlighted in a study accomplished
by the Social and Environmental Impacts of the salt industry project
research, which examines the impacts and risks associated with
the Produsal S.A. company and its operations in Zulia State at
northwest of Venezuela.
Within this company, the transnational Cargill Inc and the state-run
Petrochemical of Venezuela (PEQUIVEN) share stock, the former
with 70% and the latter with 30%. Produsal S.A. obtained a concession
from regional authorities to produce salt by the modern solar
method for a period of 50 years subject to renewal, within Los
Olivitos Swamp wildlife and fishing reserve, registered in the
official Gazette of Zulia State for 19th of march 1993. To install
a solar saltwork, means to create a group of interconnected artificial
ponds in which the high evaporation of the seawater make possible
to produce chloride of sodium or table salt. What differences
this salt form the common salt is its high purity, as the modern
solar method to make salt permits reach a 92% of purity, a salt
required by some industrial processes, like that for producing
some petrochemical products.
According to the plans of the company, the project shall go up
5.000 hectares within Los Olivitos Marsh and salt production shall
go up to 8000 thousand tons per year. The occupied area for the
development is around twenty per cent of the entire marsh. The
installation of dikes covers a perimeter of more than 30 kilometers,
whose position at the mouth of the rivers is enough harm to destroy
the fragile ecosystems of this wildlife refuge.
This study reveals that Ancón de Iturre community, prior
to the arrival of Produsal, was a productive village with minimal
unemployment thanks to its way of life, characterized by traditional
forms of labor such as fishing and artisanal production of salt.
The implantation and development of the modern labour-saving industry
left the community without the employment which artisanal production
of salt supplied to the locals. Approximately 300 people of the
village were rendered redundant and were dismissed. Because of
this sudden blow, Ancón de Iturre began a quick economic
decline when it did not continue to perceive an annual gross income
of about ten million and half bolivars produced by its traditional
economy.
Almost the completely active population of Ancón de Iturre
worked in these traditional saltwork, although the great majority
of the laborers, between 1,500 and 1,700 labourers, came from
others communities as Boca del Palmar and Quisiro. In total, two
thousand persons approximately were unemployed with the process
of space appropriation after the modernization plans driven by
the state, since final of the eighties.
North coast of Miranda's fishing communities accompanied by many
others of the jurisdiction, constituted an citizens association
denominated Local Block of Miranda. to intensify the social resistance
initially promoted by the community of Ancón of Iturre
before Produsal S.A.. This situation constitutes a worsening of
the tensions that the mentioned company has caused to have been
installed in the marsh without the consent of the affected communities
who from then on suffer the consequences of this exclusive "modernization
process". Also, Produsal promoted expectations of massive
employment for the villagers without the due capacity of satisfying
them. Along with this, the decrease of the fishery is attributed
to the enormous environmental modification carried out by the
installation of the biggest industrial salt ponds of Venezuela,
in Los Olivitos marsh.
The resistance of the communities to the salt industrial development
is due to the decrease of the fishery which is associated to various
factors: 1) the drastic modification of the lagoon-estuary of
Los Olivitos' topography made by the installation of dike-ponds
concentrators of salt, 2) the deviation and obstruction of the
Cocuiza and Palmar rivers that ended in the lagoon and 3) the
proposal of installation of a toxic waste discharge system toward
the Bay of El Tablazo in the Lake of Maracaibo. In this bay the
fishermen usually carry out their fishing tasks. The fishermen
blame the company for discharging toxic brine residues (bitterns)
secretly toward the neighboring lands to the company, and they
denounce a growing decrease of the fishing capture in the area.
Audubon Society of Venezuela had predicted in 1987 various of
these events: a decrease of the fishing production in proportional
to the affected area, alterations of saline concentration of the
estuary, with negative effects on the swamps and marine species
and an increase of pollution of El Tablazo Bay.
Also, a social and environmental study carried out in 1988 by
Coromoto Algarra, researcher of La Universidad del Zulia had advanced
some of the negative consequences of this modernization project.
It described the consequences that were going to occur with this
project, and stated that a modern saltwork in Los Olivitos could
cause irreversible negative effects in the natural ecosystems,
such as making the marsh unable to be an area of wildlife refuge
of species. Also, causing the reduction of fish capture and the
disappearance of the artisanal saltwork.
In 1992, Luis Delgado, Hugo Marín and Alicia Apitz of Parra,
researchers of the Center of Geographical Studies of The University
of the Zulia, in their pioneer book of the Regional Geography
entitled EL ZULIA, SU ESPACIO GEOGRAFICO (Caracas, ANH, 1992)
stood out the opinions of Clark Casler, biologist researcher of
the Center of Biological Researches of this same university, in
agreement with the of the Environment Ministry, that: "the
appropriate uses for Los Olivitos are researching, education,
tourism, handcraft fishing and the exploitation of salt with artisanal
method. None of these warnings were seriously considered by government.
Although it was not known by then what salt company would take
charge of a new saltwork in Los Olivitos, these predictions were
completed. Others competitors, as the governmental ENSAL, had
wanted to obtain concessions for salt exploiting in that place,
but Produsal S.A. (Cargill Salt) , won the public bid. From then
on, the fishermen begun a real via crucis whose stations were
the government offices where to claim for the lost space in the
Olivitos marsh and denounce the environmental destruction of the
wildlife refuge by hands of Produsal, with no result so far. They
called on different offices: National Guard's environmental Department,
General Prosecutor's office, Ministry of Environment Zulia State
Office, Ministry of Environment Central Office, Municipal Council,
Environmental commission of the National Assembly, and others.
On December 22,1999, the increase of this conflict caused serious
buds of violence. Around one thousand fishermen coming from various
fishing communities met in the vicinity of Produsal to protest
the installation of a toxic brine discharge pipeline. The peaceful
protest took violent form when after the multitude demanded to
dismantle the pipeline, Produsal managers responded with jeers
while a truck with armed personnel burst into the crowd. The armed
guards begun to shoot and immediately the crowd reacted burning
the pipe and the truck, with probable millionaire losses for the
company and the opening of a judicial process begun by Produsal.
The company accused some fishermen and local leaders of causing
damages to its properties.
This controversial social process is linked to the expansion of
transnational petrochemical industry in Venezuela. The petrochemical
industry is the flag of development plan of President Chavez's
administration, whose best example is El Tablazo petrochemical
complex under the responsibility of Pequiven, S.A. (subsidiary
of Petróleos de Venezuela S.A., the public oil company
of Venezuela). Specifically, the growing of polyvinyl chloride
(PVC) petrochemical plants increased the demand of salt, since
PVC production is currently the main strategic target of the salt
industry in the world.. The demand of PVC led to the decision
of modernizing the salt factory of Venezuela, traditionally in
hands of the artisanal producers.
In previous opportunities the installation and later petrochemical
expansion has raised strong rejection in local communities, like
that happened in the sounded case of El Hornito, a fishing village
of Lake Maracaibo, subjected to a compulsory relocation and congenital
diseases caused by toxic emissions of El Tablazo petrochemical
complex.
A minuscule proportion of the current global production of salt
( 3 or 4 %) is dedicated to chlorine production for disinfection
of human consumption water, while the demand of this matter to
produce PVC plastics is about fourteen percent of the chlorine
produced at the chlorine-soda plants. The strategic position of
salt as raw material to produce PVC and also as additive in mud
for oil drilling, drove the Venezuelan state in 1968 to reorganize
the state monopoly of salt and transfer it to the Empresa Nacional
de Salinas "ENSAL" (National Company of Salt) under
control of the Venezuelan Institute of Petrochemistry, considering
the industrial future of the natural gas. Afterwards, under the
privatization and free market liberal policies, the saltwork passed
to the transnational private corporation Cargill Inc. Cargill
bought out Grupo Zuliano's participation in Produsal in 1995.
Grupo Zuliaano (Zulian Group), a powerful Venezuelan investor
group, declared to have bought its participation in Produsal for
Bs 1.200 MM. Cargill declares to have invested in the saltwork
development over US$ 30 MM., although, sometimes the company says
to have spent as many as US$ 50 MM.
An analysis of the international consultant company Roskill Consulting
Group in 2000, points out the threat that weighs on the salt industry
in the international markets thank to the tendency banning the
polluting PVC in the industrialized countries. It is considered
that the recent installation or amplification of solar salt plants
in Third World countries is due in good part to the growing pressures
of environmental protection that gravitate on the investors in
the own floor of the developed nations. This industrial relocation
process of salt sector is accompanied of a displacement of the
North American and European mature markets of sodium chloride
industrial consumption toward the growing markets of the Pacific
in Asia, and in second place, toward Latin America.
At the beginning of the 90's, the petrochemical expansion raised
the installed capacity of vinyl plants of El Tablazo from 40.000
TMA, to 65.000 TMA of PVC; A second plant of PVC would push the
production to a 120.000 TMA; At the same time, the chlorine-soda
plants plant should elevate its productive capacity of chlorine
production from 40.000 TMA to 120.000 TMA in order to satisfy
the growing demand originated in the plants of MVC-PVC. Although,
only some 4.500 TMA of this chlorine (3. 75% of the installed
capacity) is dedicated to the water treatment systems of our country.
Produsal project was argued before public opinion mainly with
the reasoning of the pretended need of chlorine for water treatment
in Venezuela.
The research also examines the infringement of regulations that
force legally to authentic consultation and participation of communities
affected by big investment projects. These aspects of the International
Agreement of Ramsar (1971) were obviated and the protection of
Wetlands of International Importance was, in fact, neglected.
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